RENO, Nev.
- The most dedicated members of the National Rifle
Association can rattle them off without blinking: Missouri,
Kansas, Nebraska, Wisconsin, Illinois.
Clustered in the heartland, they are among the few states
left that prohibit the carrying of concealed guns. And despite
fanfare here and there by the gun lobby this spring, the Midwest
will probably stay that way for at least another year.
The House sponsor of a Missouri bill aimed at permitting
citizens to carry guns said Friday that his and other
firearm-friendly legislation appeared to be dead in the state
Senate. He's a rural Democrat, and the Senate is controlled by
Republicans -- many from soccer-mom suburbs.
"Apparently they're afraid of it," said Rep. Frank
Barnitz of Lake Spring. "If you don't get a committee
hearing this late in the session, it's not going to go
anywhere."
Indeed, as 35,000 firearms enthusiasts flocked to Reno last
week for the NRA's annual meeting, many said they doubted that
"right to carry" could prevail anywhere a governor
promises a veto -- as in Missouri and Kansas.
So the faithful were urged to prepare for the fall elections.
"No other group could've done what we did in the
election of 2000," said NRA legislative chief James Jay
Baker, who credited George W. Bush's victory to pro-gun voters.
"Now it's time to finish the job."
Baker pledged to cheering convention delegates: "We're
not going to rest until there are no states that deny citizens
that right" to hide guns on themselves for self-defense.
Lawmakers in Nebraska and Wisconsin, however, recently
defeated bills that would have required police to issue permits
for nonfelons to carry guns.
Gun-control advocates cite those states' actions as evidence
that a nationwide drive toward lifting concealed-gun bans might
be running out of steam.
"The NRA has not won any major change in concealed-carry
laws this year at all," said Luis Tolley, director of state
legislative affairs for the Brady Center to Prevent Gun
Violence. "We were thinking this year was potentially the
NRA's best chance."
Midwest resistance
Since the mid-1980s, the gun lobby has outspent and, some
say, outdebated its opponents in battles over concealed weapons
from Maine to Florida to Alaska.
One of the most divisive gun-related issues, "right to
carry" is credited by its supporters with reducing violent
crimes in states that adopt it.
Today, most Americans reside in the 33 "shall
issue" states, where police are required to issue permits
to adults who qualify.
Many other states have "may issue" laws, much to
the annoyance of the NRA and other Second Amendment advocates.
"May issue" means that police and sheriff's
departments have the discretion to decide who, if anyone, gets
to conceal a gun.
Tolley linked Midwesterners' uneasiness with concealed-carry
to a general faith in their police, whose leadership often
lobbies against such legislation.
In Missouri, "shall issue" legislation included
bills permitting law-abiding citizens to conceal guns in their
cars and on their persons.
Although regional pro-gun groups made weekly lobbying trips
to the state Capitol, their efforts appeared to lack the heavy
artillery of the NRA.
"I don't know what happened to the NRA on this,"
Barnitz said. "They haven't been around much."
One explanation: An almost certain veto by Gov. Bob Holden
would render everything pointless from a national perspective.
Neither side can cite an example in which the gun lobby swayed a
legislature to pass major changes in concealed-carry laws over a
governor's veto.
"We still want to put it on his (Holden's) desk and see
what happens," said Gary L. Davis of Kansas City, the NRA's
election volunteer coordinator for Missouri's 5th Congressional
District.
What might happen, Davis hopes, is payback at the polls on
Nov. 5 -- particularly from rural Missouri. Whereas the 1999
Proposition B referendum to legalize concealed weapons failed
statewide, it carried most rural precincts.
Holden, a Democrat, isn't facing election this year. But many
rural Democrats will be defending their seats in the statehouse.
"We're single-issue voters," Davis said. "It
doesn't matter if you're a Democrat, Republican, Libertarian, if
you support our issue, we'll vote for you."
Stacey Newman, who opposes looser handgun laws, said her
lobbying would continue as well.
Newman, co-president of the St. Louis chapter of Million Mom
March, said that Proposition B confirmed that Missourians in
general oppose concealed guns but also showed rural legislators
how strong pro-gun sentiments are in their districts.
"Things aren't moving as smoothly as they (gun
proponents) had hoped at the beginning of the session,"
Newman said. But she noted, "For a lot of term-limited guys
in the legislature this year, this is their last hurrah. They
have nothing to lose by overriding a veto."
In Kansas, the gun lobby didn't even try to pass a bill
legalizing concealed weapons. Gov. Bill Graves vetoed such
legislation in 1995.
"It's a moot point until we get a new governor,"
said Wichita lawyer and lobbyist Phil Journey, president of the
Kansas Second Amendment Society. "Rather than do my Don
Quixote impression, tilting at windmills, I'd rather do what
works."
Last month, gun-rights advocates managed a victory in Topeka
when Graves signed a law shielding firearm manufacturers and
dealers from lawsuits brought by municipalities.
With Graves' term expiring in January, the prospects for
concealed-carry in Kansas will rest on who is elected to replace
him. "I could see a law on the books in 2003," Journey
said.
Such a law would erase a Kansas ban on concealed weapons that
took effect in 1903.
Perhaps the NRA's biggest victory this spring occurred
outside a legislative hall.
In April, an Ohio appeals court declared that state's ban
unconstitutional because it violated the right to self-defense.
Ohio for decades has allowed only law enforcement officials and
state and federal government agents to carry concealed weapons.
Gun-rights advocates are pushing a "shall issue"
bill in Ohio, but Republican Gov. Bob Taft has said he will veto
it.
The NRA for the moment appears to be focusing most of its
concealed-carry efforts on Colorado, a "may issue"
state where restrictions vary widely from county to county.
A previous push to bring Colorado into the "shall
issue" category failed after the 1999 massacre at Columbine
High School.