It's a busy shopping day at the
Pecos Gun Shop. Customers wander the store, staring at
gun grips and revolvers and hunting rifles. They
consider the options, ask about prices, and - most
important to David Dodson - they buy.
Mr. Dodson, who runs the Tucson, Ariz., store, says
the past few months have been boom times. Sales have
jumped 40 percent, and many customers are first-timers.
"I think a lot of people who might have been
antigun no longer feel that way," Dodson says.
"And if they were already thinking about buying a
gun, then [the terrorist attacks] pushed them over the
edge."
Granted, guns are a way of life in Arizona, but since
Sept. 11, it appears that Americans nationwide are
finding comfort, increasingly, in a warm gun.
In Massachusetts, gun instructors are reporting 50
percent increases in class size. In Virginia, the
National Rifle Association says a class required for
carrying a concealed weapon has a month-long waiting
list. Florida saw a 50 percent rise in September in
criminal background checks that are required for
carrying a concealed weapon. And a Gallup poll taken a
month after the attacks found American's desire for
stricter firearms laws had dropped, with only 53 percent
in support of such measures - the number had not been
below 60 percent for nearly a decade.
A familiar pattern
The rush for firearms and weapons permits in the wake
of a crisis is not uncommon. The Second Amendment takes
on increased relevance for many in shaky times.
Following the Los Angeles riots of 1992, for example,
there was a rush to southern California gun stores.
Handgun sales in the state jumped from 329,000 in 1991
to 382,000 in 1992 and to 433,000 in 1993.
The motives are somewhat similar this time around,
says Wayne LaPierre, executive vice president of the
National Rifle Association. Buyers understand that
having a gun or a concealed-weapon license would make no
difference on an airplane, he says, but they worry about
other aspects of the war on terrorism.
"People are unsettled in this country," Mr.
LaPierre says. "They hear warnings of other threats
that could come at anytime from anywhere. And they don't
know if they might be on their own for a while if there
is another attack."
In Arizona, a state where guns are so common that
many roadside cafes admonish patrons not to bring
firearms inside, the gun rush has been large scale, says
Gary Lovetro of the Arizona Arms Association. Gun shows
and stores boomed as people become "more aware of
safety."
Just how much sales have risen nationally is open to
question. Through October, the sales are up 20 percent
from the year before, but only slightly from 1999, says
the National Shooting Sports Foundation. And since sales
are cyclical, the increase may not be that substantive,
the group says.
But there is little argument that the number of
applicants for concealed-weapons permits is up. Standing
at the counter of the Pecos Gun Shop, Tom Burdon helps
his wife fill out the application. The tall,
white-haired Vietnam veteran says the permit became more
desirable in the wake of Sept. 11.
"There's just too much stuff going on these
days, from school shootings to these airplane
attacks," he says. "Pull out a gun and stick
it in their nose. I'd call that an absolute
deterrent."
Will change last?
The question is whether the change in attitude toward
firearms has staying power. Some gun-control advocates
believe the shift will prove temporary.
"People don't always act rationally in a time of
crisis," says Nancy Wha, a spokeswoman for the
Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence. "But the
effects aren't usually long lasting. There was a big
increase in gun buying in California after Rodney King,
but since then California has passed much stronger
laws."
In fact, through Oct. 31 of this year, California
handgun sales were on pace to be at their lowest level
in 30 years, the state says.
Still, political analysts say Washington's mood on
guns has changed, at least for now.
Even before Sept. 11, they say, Democrats had lost
traction on gun control, and the recent elections did
nothing but move the party further away from tighter
rules. In the Virginia gubernatorial race, for example,
Democrat Mark Warner's victory was sealed, in part, by
blatant appeals to gun owners, using a group called
"Sportsmen for Warner."
"Any gun-control legislation of any kind is a
non-starter now," says Larry Sabato, a University
of Virginia political scientist.
Longer term, opposition to gun-control measures could
be tied closely to patterns of gun ownership, says Bill
Schneider, a political analyst at the American
Enterprise Institute.
"If [the opposition] is attributable to the
terrorist threat, then it will dissipate as the threat
dissipates," Mr. Schneider says. "But if it is
tied to an increase in gun ownership or weapons permits,
that is something very different. That is people saying,
'I have this gun and ain't no one going to tell me what
to do with it.' "